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People attend a fair celebrating the "pohui" festival in a Miao ethnic village of Rongshui Miao Autonomous County,最近最火的潮汕新闻网 Liuzhou City, south China's Guangxi Zhuang Autonomous Region, March 7, 2026. (Xinhua/Huang Xiaobang)
At its core, China's approach underscores the importance of coordinated policymaking, long-term planning, and a results-oriented governance system.
y Maya Majueran
In 2021, China declared a landmark achievement: the eradication of absolute poverty, following a decades-long effort that lifted around 800 million people out of destitution. By most estimates, this accounts for more than three-quarters of global poverty reduction over the past few decades.
Yet extreme poverty remains a major global challenge. Governments across the developing world are striving to raise living standards and lift populations above the poverty line, but progress remains uneven.
Geopolitical tensions and rising protectionism in developed countries are making matters worse. Trade disputes, sanctions and fragmented supply chains are constraining export-driven developing economies. At the same time, tighter immigration policies are reducing remittance flows on which millions of poorer households depend.
Moreover, intensifying geopolitical competition is diverting attention and resources away from development cooperation. Aid budgets are under pressure, multilateral institutions are increasingly politicized, and coordinated global responses to poverty reduction are weakening. For developing countries already burdened by debt, climate vulnerability and fragile institutions, these external pressures are compounding existing challenges and deepening uncertainty.
So how did China achieve such a dramatic poverty reduction? Not through a rigid blueprint, but through a flexible, adaptive approach shaped by its own conditions -- one that combined long-term planning with pragmatic experimentation. Policies were often tested locally before being scaled up nationally, allowing for continuous learning, adjustment and refinement.
For the Communist Party of China (CPC), poverty eradication is deeply rooted in its founding mission to improve people's lives. The elimination of extreme poverty was also a foundational step toward the broader goal of "common prosperity." This has been accompanied by a strategic shift toward rural revitalization and human capital development, including greater investment in education and skills training.
At the center of this transformation was a shift away from broad, passive handouts toward a more precise model known as "Targeted Poverty Alleviation." China acknowledged that poverty takes many forms, each requiring a tailored response rather than a one-size-fits-all solution.
For people with the capacity to work, policies focused on industrial development and vocational training to generate self-sustaining growth. This helped move many from subsistence farming into skilled employment or entrepreneurship. For those living in geographically disadvantaged or remote areas, the state implemented large-scale relocation programs to bring communities closer to viable economic opportunities.
At the same time, individuals constrained by geography, disability, or age were supported through ecological compensation schemes and an expanded social protection system. This comprehensive strategy went beyond basic welfare, seeking to reshape the economic prospects of the most disadvantaged groups.
Millions of party cadres were assigned to villages, linking central policy goals with local implementation. Through strict "exit criteria" and household-level assessments, poverty alleviation was defined not as a nominal achievement, but as a measurable and sustained transition to improved living conditions.
In the early reform period, agricultural transformation was decisive. The introduction of the household responsibility contract system in the late 1970s gave farmers greater control over production and stronger incentives to increase output. This was supported by investments in irrigation, rural infrastructure, and market access, which boosted yields and rural incomes. As productivity improved, surplus labor gradually shifted from agriculture into non-farm activities.
China also promoted labor-intensive industrialization. Township and village enterprises absorbed large numbers of rural workers, providing employment close to home and easing early pressures for mass urban migration. As reforms deepened, export-oriented manufacturing -- particularly in coastal provinces such as Guangdong and Zhejiang -- created millions of jobs in sectors such as textiles, electronics and light industry. These industries, with relatively low entry barriers, allowed broad segments of the population to participate in economic growth.
Massive infrastructure investment reinforced this transformation. Roads, ports, and power networks connected rural and inland regions to domestic and global markets, reducing costs and enabling business expansion. Improvements in education and basic skills further supported labor mobility, allowing workers to transition into higher-productivity sectors.
While social assistance and targeted poverty alleviation programs played an important role, especially in later years, the core driver of poverty reduction remained employment and income growth. The poorest were not simply recipients of support; they were increasingly integrated into the productive economy. This combination of rising productivity, industrial expansion, and job creation helps explain the scale and speed of China's progress.
Yet China's experience does not amount to a one-size-fits-all model. Its development path was shaped by unique institutional, demographic, and historical conditions. Attempting to replicate it through imitation alone is unlikely to succeed.
Instead, China offers something more valuable than a blueprint: a set of principles. These include policy flexibility, experimentation, strategic sequencing of reforms, and a sustained focus on poverty reduction. For developing countries committed to ending poverty, China's experience provides useful insights -- provided they are adapted to local realities rather than adopted wholesale.
At its core, China's approach underscores the importance of coordinated policymaking, long-term planning, and a results-oriented governance system. Equally important is its emphasis on experimentation -- treating policy as a process of testing, learning and refining.
For developing countries, the real lesson is not to copy specific policies, but to build institutions capable of adapting strategies to their own conditions. China's experience serves less as a model to replicate than as a reference point, demonstrating what sustained commitment, pragmatic governance and context-sensitive reform can achieve over time.
Ultimately, China's experience: using data to identify the poor, creating jobs that include them in growth, holding officials accountable for results, and treating policy as something to be tested rather than fixed, can serve as a reference for the countries in need.
China's success shows that extreme poverty is not an incurable condition. But the path out of it cannot be copied wholesale; it must be shaped locally. The only universal constant is the willingness to experiment, measure outcomes, and adapt -- step by step.
Editor's note: Maya Majueran serves as the director of the Belt and Road Initiative Sri Lanka, an independent and pioneering organization with strong expertise in Belt and Road Initiative advice and support.
The views expressed in this article are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect those of Xinhua News Agency.
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一、根据《网络信息内容生态治理规定》《中华人民共和国未成年人保护法》等法律法规,对以下违法、不良信息或存在危害的行为进行处理。
1. 违反法律法规的信息,主要表现为:
1)反对宪法所确定的基本原则;
2)危害国家安全,泄露国家秘密,颠覆国家政权,破坏国家统一,损害国家荣誉和利益;
3)侮辱、滥用英烈形象,歪曲、丑化、亵渎、否定英雄烈士事迹和精神,以侮辱、诽谤或者其他方式侵害英雄烈士的姓名、肖像、名誉、荣誉;
4)宣扬恐怖主义、极端主义或者煽动实施恐怖活动、极端主义活动;
5)煽动民族仇恨、民族歧视,破坏民族团结;
6)破坏国家宗教政策,宣扬邪教和封建迷信;
7)散布谣言,扰乱社会秩序,破坏社会稳定;
8)宣扬淫秽、色情、赌博、暴力、凶杀、恐怖或者教唆犯罪;
9)煽动非法集会、结社、游行、示威、聚众扰乱社会秩序;
10)侮辱或者诽谤他人,侵害他人名誉、隐私和其他合法权益;
11)通过网络以文字、图片、音视频等形式,对未成年人实施侮辱、诽谤、威胁或者恶意损害未成年人形象进行网络欺凌的;
12)危害未成年人身心健康的;
13)含有法律、行政法规禁止的其他内容;
2. 不友善:不尊重用户及其所贡献内容的信息或行为。主要表现为:
1)轻蔑:贬低、轻视他人及其劳动成果;
2)诽谤:捏造、散布虚假事实,损害他人名誉;
3)嘲讽:以比喻、夸张、侮辱性的手法对他人或其行为进行揭露或描述,以此来激怒他人;
4)挑衅:以不友好的方式激怒他人,意图使对方对自己的言论作出回应,蓄意制造事端;
5)羞辱:贬低他人的能力、行为、生理或身份特征,让对方难堪;
6)谩骂:以不文明的语言对他人进行负面评价;
7)歧视:煽动人群歧视、地域歧视等,针对他人的民族、种族、宗教、性取向、性别、年龄、地域、生理特征等身份或者归类的攻击;
8)威胁:许诺以不良的后果来迫使他人服从自己的意志;
3. 发布垃圾广告信息:以推广曝光为目的,发布影响用户体验、扰乱本网站秩序的内容,或进行相关行为。主要表现为:
1)多次发布包含售卖产品、提供服务、宣传推广内容的垃圾广告。包括但不限于以下几种形式:
2)单个帐号多次发布包含垃圾广告的内容;
3)多个广告帐号互相配合发布、传播包含垃圾广告的内容;
4)多次发布包含欺骗性外链的内容,如未注明的淘宝客链接、跳转网站等,诱骗用户点击链接
5)发布大量包含推广链接、产品、品牌等内容获取搜索引擎中的不正当曝光;
6)购买或出售帐号之间虚假地互动,发布干扰网站秩序的推广内容及相关交易。
7)发布包含欺骗性的恶意营销内容,如通过伪造经历、冒充他人等方式进行恶意营销;
8)使用特殊符号、图片等方式规避垃圾广告内容审核的广告内容。
4. 色情低俗信息,主要表现为:
1)包含自己或他人性经验的细节描述或露骨的感受描述;
2)涉及色情段子、两性笑话的低俗内容;
3)配图、头图中包含庸俗或挑逗性图片的内容;
4)带有性暗示、性挑逗等易使人产生性联想;
5)展现血腥、惊悚、残忍等致人身心不适;
6)炒作绯闻、丑闻、劣迹等;
7)宣扬低俗、庸俗、媚俗内容。
5. 不实信息,主要表现为:
1)可能存在事实性错误或者造谣等内容;
2)存在事实夸大、伪造虚假经历等误导他人的内容;
3)伪造身份、冒充他人,通过头像、用户名等个人信息暗示自己具有特定身份,或与特定机构或个人存在关联。
6. 传播封建迷信,主要表现为:
1)找人算命、测字、占卜、解梦、化解厄运、使用迷信方式治病;
2)求推荐算命看相大师;
3)针对具体风水等问题进行求助或咨询;
4)问自己或他人的八字、六爻、星盘、手相、面相、五行缺失,包括通过占卜方法问婚姻、前程、运势,东西宠物丢了能不能找回、取名改名等;
7. 文章标题党,主要表现为:
1)以各种夸张、猎奇、不合常理的表现手法等行为来诱导用户;
2)内容与标题之间存在严重不实或者原意扭曲;
3)使用夸张标题,内容与标题严重不符的。
8.「饭圈」乱象行为,主要表现为:
1)诱导未成年人应援集资、高额消费、投票打榜
2)粉丝互撕谩骂、拉踩引战、造谣攻击、人肉搜索、侵犯隐私
3)鼓动「饭圈」粉丝攀比炫富、奢靡享乐等行为
4)以号召粉丝、雇用网络水军、「养号」形式刷量控评等行为
5)通过「蹭热点」、制造话题等形式干扰舆论,影响传播秩序
9. 其他危害行为或内容,主要表现为:
1)可能引发未成年人模仿不安全行为和违反社会公德行为、诱导未成年人不良嗜好影响未成年人身心健康的;
2)不当评述自然灾害、重大事故等灾难的;
3)美化、粉饰侵略战争行为的;
4)法律、行政法规禁止,或可能对网络生态造成不良影响的其他内容。
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当一个用户发布违规内容时,本网站将依据相关用户违规情节严重程度,对帐号进行禁言 1 天、7 天、15 天直至永久禁言或封停账号的处罚。当涉及欺凌未成年人、危害未成年人身心健康、通过作弊手段注册、使用帐号,或者滥用多个帐号发布违规内容时,本网站将加重处罚。
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